EconomicsResearch

Solving Class Inequality: Marxist vs. Islamic Economics – [Imam Musa Sadr Translation Series]

This is the first installment in a series of translations on the economic thought of Lebanese-Iranian Islamic scholar Imam Musa Sadr. In this short segment, he addresses the difference in approach to class inequality between Marxist and Islamic economic schools.

Translator’s preface: This work was originally given as part of an oral series of lectures by Imam Sayyed Musa al-Sadr in 1959. At the time, al-Sadr was lecturing in Iran and the following lecture, from which this excerpt is derived from, was in Persian. It was later translated into Arabic by Sheikh Ali Hajjti Kermani. The following excerpt is derived from the first series of lectures in Sadr’s lectures on economics titled “The First Axis: Islam and Class Inequality.” We hope to continue to publish short segments of Imam Musa Sadr’s economic thought for Basira Press’ resistance economy section.

Class inequality: The Marxist solution

According to Marxist doctrine (scientific socialism) the solution lies in acquiring the means of production from the bourgeois class and nationalizing it. Advocates for this doctrine believe that the only cause of class inequality is the bourgeois monopoly over the means of production and once their accumulation of wealth is sorted through the nationalization of those means, class inequality will slowly disappear and living standards will gradually be equal and such equality will leave its impact on people’s morals, culture, religion, art and literature, and as a result, a unified society will emerge.

Based on this, what is required as the solution is the nationalization of the means of production. Here we are not interested in discussing the foundations of (the Marxist) theory from its philosophical, economic, or political dimensions. Since the problem that we are looking for a solution to is the problem of class inequality, we are satisfied with presenting only one question, which is: what is this material environment that creates the superstructures in society? Is it only the ownership of the means of production? And does uniting one factor, no matter how powerful, seem sufficient in equalizing classes, instead of uniting the thousands of influential factors that made up the society and created the classes of society?

Under this assumption, you must make constant all environmental factors in order to unite the classes, or else abandon this claim. For this reason you can not unite the classes in thought, emotion, tendencies and energies even in socialist countries. If there are no classes between bourgeoisie (and proletarian), there are classes that vary among themselves from all sides, especially the conditions, material capabilities and facets of life, such as classes among partisans, bureaucrats, peasants, workers, war-affected people, the military and the general public. The extravagance enjoyed by the bureaucratic, party, and military class reaches a level reminiscent of feudal, capitalist and bourgeois regimes.

As for differences in ideas and tendencies; even some party leaders and cadres are impressionable, who are expelled from time to time on charges of treason and reaction. It is clear that the material factors that contributed to the emergence of different classes remain under this system despite all their differences, and thus there is no permanent solution for the reality of class differences.

With the reality of all these factors that contribute to differences cause, how can we anticipate the elimination of the effect and the solution of the problem, even if one of the important factors of inequality, that is, the nationalization of the means of production, takes place considering that the innate factor of man beholds physical, intellectual, artistic, moral and living differences (that in turn, translate to differences in social standing).

The Islamic solution: Islam addressed dangerous problems realistically – such as the disparity in the standard of living and its consequences. As for other fields, Islam, with its moral and educational teachings, was able to achieve impressive results as well.

Are khums and zakat taxes?

The legislation of khums and zakat is a sacred law instituted by Islam in order to bridge the gap between the different classes. khums and zakat might be considered as taxes in Islam, some would even affirm that, but taxes have historically had different meanings. If we define taxes according to their well-established meaning – as the money collected by the government to run its institutions, protect the country from external aggression, or maintain internal security, then khums and zakat do not adhere to the concept of taxes.

A careful study of the verses about khums and zakat, and the evidence for their legislation, clearly clarifies our claim:

  1. “And know that whatever thing you gain, a fifth of it belongs to Allah, to the Messenger, to the near of kin, the orphans, the needy, and the wayfarer, if you believe in God” (Al-Anfal, 41).
  2. The Sadaqāt (prescribed alms) are (meant) only to be given to the poor, the needy, to those employed to collect them, to those whose hearts are to be won, in the cause of the slaves and those encumbered with debt, in the way of Allah and to a wayfarer. This is an obligation prescribed by Allah. Allah is All-Knowing, Wise. [Al-Tawbah, 60].
  3. There have been multiple narrations of the noble hadith narrated by Zurara and Muhammad bin Muslim quoting Imam al-Sadiq (peace be upon him), that God instructed that the wealth of the rich is also used help the poor, and if he knew that it was not sufficient for both, he would have increased their wealth.

How does Islam address the problem of class inequality?

A study of these three evidences and all the other evidences of khums and zakat, reveals the designation of six resources for spending the Khomos and eight for zakat. Half of the Khomos (3/6) known as The Saddah Share, goes to the poor and debtors, slaves and wayfarers. The share of the (collectors of zakat) is actually considered to help the project, as for the share of (people with weak faith), it is considered a political expenditure, just as (people working in the cause of Allah) can be considered – based on the definition of some great jurists – all acts of righteousness and goodness, including religious, political and social affairs.

In any case, it is recognized that the whole share of the Saddah, and most of the resources for disbursing zakat – six-eighths – are allocated to the disadvantaged classes; not from state funds, and therefore not to be described as taxes. It is to be noted that in the last half of this century, governments began to provide social security for workers, free health, education and nursing homes and they charge taxes which may be given to the khums and zakat.

This research aims at proving that the khums and zakat are legally obligatory to take care of the disadvantaged classes, and the above narration demonstrates this fact. In some narrations, the Imam Ali, (peace be upon him), imposed taxes on some of the Muslims’ money during the days of his caliphate.

Lets observe the roles of khumus and zakat in solving class inequality.

It is clear from the two verses and the aforementioned narration that the resources for spending the khums and zakat are for the poor and the money of the rich must enable the poor to survive.

Here it is necessary to consider the following narrations:

Abu Basir reported Imam Hussien’s (peace be upon him) answer about the possibility of giving Zakat to a man with many children, who earns eight hundred dirhams. The Imam’s answer was that if he can support his family and has around half his wage remaining, then he does not take the zakat, and if it is less, then he takes it. Another narration about a man whose father or uncle provides for him. Should he take from the zakat if they do not cover everything he needs? The Imam approved that he does.

It can be seen from the first hadith that zakat to the poor family – even if the provider is earning – continues until its standard of living becomes the same as the general public and class inequality disappears. It is also noted in the second narration, as other narrations that addressed this topic, that owning a house and servant, and even camels does not prevent from taking Zakat.

There are many narrations on Zakat being paid even to help with the journey of Hajj to those who can’t afford it. The payment of zakat to the poor does not stop until he becomes what is considered rich.

In one narration in Al-Kafi, quoted by Abu Basir, a person refused to pay zakat to a sheikh who was able to eat meat and bread and live in relative abundance. Imam al-Sadiq (peace be upon him) was upset and reminded him that God ask the rich to meet the needs of the poor in terms of food, drink, clothing, housing, marriage, and even charity and pilgrimage.

Author

Related Articles

Back to top button